"Race In/For Cyberspace: Identity Tourism and Racial Passing on the 
Internet"
A cute cartoon dog sits in front of a computer, 
gazing at the monitor and typing away busily. The cartoon's caption jubilantly 
proclaims, "On the Internet, nobody knows you're a dog!" This image resonates 
with particular intensity for those members of a rapidly expanding subculture 
which congregates within the consensual hallucination defined as cyberspace. 
Users define their presence within this textual and graphical space through a 
variety of different activities‹commercial interaction, academic research, 
netsurfing, real time interaction and chatting with interlocutors who are 
similarly "connected"‹but all can see the humor in this image because it 
illustrates so graphically a common condition of being and self definition 
within this space. Users of the Internet represent themselves within it solely 
through the medium of keystrokes and mouse-clicks, and through this medium they 
can describe themselves and their physical bodies any way they like; they 
perform their bodies as text. On the Internet, nobody knows that you're a dog; 
it is possible to "computer crossdress" (Stone 84) and represent yourself as a 
different gender, age, race, etc. The technology of the Internet offers its 
participants unprecedented possibilities for communicating with each other in 
real time, and for controlling the conditions of their own self-representations 
in ways impossible in face to face interaction. The cartoon seems to celebrate 
access to the Internet as a social leveler which permits even dogs to express 
freely themselves in discourse to their masters, who are deceived into thinking 
that they are their peers, rather than their property. The element of 
difference, in this cartoon the difference between species, is comically 
subverted in this image; in the medium of cyberspace, distinctions and 
imbalances in power between beings who perform themselves solely through writing 
seem to have deferred, if not effaced.
This utopian vision of cyberspace 
as a promoter of a radically democratic form of discourse should not be 
underestimated. Yet the image can be read on several other levels as well. The 
freedom which the dog chooses to avail itself of is the freedom to "pass" as 
part of a privileged group, i.e. human computer users with access to the 
Internet. This is possible because of the discursive dynamic of the Internet, 
particularly in chat spaces like LambdaMOO where users are known to others by 
self authored names which they give their "characters" rather than more telling 
email addresses with domain names. Defining gender is a central part of the 
discourse‹players who choose to present themselves as "neuter," one of the 
several genders available to players on LambdaMOO, are often asked to "set 
gender," as if the choice to have a neuter gender is not a choice at all, or at 
least one that other players choose to recognize. Gender is an element of 
identity which must be defined by each player‹though the creators of LambdaMOO 
try to contribute towards a reimagining of gender by offering four, two more 
than are acknowledged in "real life," still, one must be chosen‹the choice is 
not optional. Each player must "enunciate" the gender that they choose, since 
this gender will be visible to other players who call up other players' physical 
descriptions on their screens. However, race is not an "option" which must be 
chosen‹though players can elect to write it into their descriptions, it is not 
required that they do so. My study, which I would characterize as ethnographic, 
with certain important reservations, focuses on the ways in which race is 
"written" In the cyberspace locus called LambdaMOO, as well as the ways it is 
read by other players, the conditions under which it is enunciated, contested, 
and ultimately erased and suppressed, and the ideological implications of these 
performative acts of writing and reading otherness. What does the way race is 
written in Lambda MOO reveal about the enunciation of difference in new 
electronic media? Have the rules of the game changed, and if so, 
how?
Role playing sites on the Internet such as LambdaMOO offer their 
participants programming features such as the ability to physically "set" one's 
gender, race, and physical appearance, through which they can, indeed are 
required to, project a version of the self which is inherently theatrical. Since 
the "real" identities of the interlocutors at Lambda are unverifiable (except by 
crackers and hackers, whose outlaw manipulations of code are unanimously 
construed by the Internet's citizens as a violation of both privacy and personal 
freedom) it can be said that everyone who participates is &q uot;passing," 
as it impossible to tell if a character's description matches a player's 
physical characteristics. Some the uses to which this infixed theatricality are 
put are benign and even funny‹descriptions of self as a human-size pickle or pot 
bellied pig are not uncommon, and generally are received in a positive, amused, 
tolerant way by other players. Players who elect to describe themselves in 
racial terms, as Asian, African American, Latino, or other members of oppressed 
and marginalized minorities, are often seen as engaging in a form of hostile 
performance, since they introduce what many consider a real life "divisive 
issue" into the phantasmatic world of cybernetic textual interaction. The 
borders and frontiers of cyberspace which had previously seemed so amorphous 
take on a keen sharpness when the enunciation of racial otherness is put into 
play as performance. While everyone is "passing," some forms of racial passing 
are condoned and practiced since they do not threaten the integrity of a 
national sense of self which is defined as white.
The first act a 
participant in LambdaMOO performs is that of writing a self description‹it is 
the primal scene of cybernetic identity, a postmodern performance of the mirror 
stage:
Identity is the first thing you create in a MUD. You have to 
decide the name of your alternate identity‹what MUDders call your character. And 
you have to describe who this character is, for the benefit of the other people 
who inhabit the same MUD. By creating your identity, you help create a world. 
Your character's role and the roles of the others who play with you are part of 
the architecture of belief that upholds for everybody in the MUD the illusion of 
being a wizard in a castle or a navigator aboard a starship: the roles give 
people new stages on which to exercise new identities, and their new identities 
affirm the reality of the scenario. (Rheingold)
In LambdaMOO it is 
required that one choose a gender; though two of the choices are variations on 
the theme of "neuter," the choice cannot be deferred because the programming 
code requires it. It is impossible to receive authorization to create a 
character without making this choice. Race is not only not a required choice, it 
is not even on the menu.1 Players are given as many lines of text as they like to 
write any sort of textual description of themselves that they want. The 
"architecture of belief" which underpins social interaction in the MOO, that is, 
the belief that your interlocutors possess distinctive human identities which 
coalesce through and vivify the glowing letters scrolling down the computer 
screen, is itself built upon the this form of fantastic autobiographical writing 
called the self description. The majority of players in LambdaMOO do not mention 
race at all in their self description, though most do include eye and hair 
color, build, age, and the pronouns which indicate a male or a female gender.2In these cases when race is not mentioned as such, but 
hair and eye color is, race is still being evoked‹a character with blue eyes and 
blond hair will be assumed to be white. Yet while the textual conditions of 
self-definition and self performance would seem to permit players total freedom, 
within the boundaries of the written word, to describe themselves in any way 
they choose, this choice is actually an illusion. This is because the choice not 
to mention race does in fact constitute a choice‹in the absence of racial 
description, all players are assumed to be white. This is partly due to the 
demographics of Internet users‹most are white, male, highly educated, and middle 
class. It is also due to the utopian belief-system prevalent in the MOO. This 
system, which claims that the MOO should be a free space for play, strives 
towards policing and regulating racial discourse in the interest of social 
harmony. This system of regulation does permit racial role playing when it fits 
within familiar discourses of racial stereotyping, and thus perpetuates these 
discourses. I am going to focus on the deployment of Asian performance within 
the MOO because Asian personae are by far the most common non-white ones chosen 
by players and offer the most examples for study.
The vast majority of 
male Asian characters deployed in the MOO fit into familiar stereotypes from 
popular electronic media such as video games, television, and film, and popular 
literary genres such as science fiction and historical romance. Characters named 
Mr. Sulu, Chun Li, Hua Ling, Anjin San, Musashi, Bruce Lee, Little Dragon, 
Nunchaku, Hiroko, Miura Tetsuo, and Akira invoke their counterparts in the world 
of popular media; Mr. Sulu is the token "Oriental" in the television show "Star 
Trek," Hua Ling and Hiroko are characters in the science fiction novels 
Eon and Red Mars, Chun Li and Liu Kang are characters from the 
video games "Street Fighter" and "Mortal Kombat," the movie star Bruce Lee was 
nicknamed "Little Dragon," Miura Tetsuo and Anjin San are characters in James 
Clavell's popular novel and miniseries "Shogun," Musashi is a medieval Japanese 
folklore hero, and Akira is the title of a Japanese animated film of the genre 
called "anime." The name Nunchaku refers to a weapon, as does, in a more oblique 
way, all of the names listed above. These names all adapt the samurai warrior 
fantasy to cyberdiscursive role playing, and permit their users to perform a 
notion of the Oriental warrior adopted from popular media. This is an example of 
the crossing over effect of popular media into cyberspace, which is, as the 
latest comer to the array of electronic entertainment media, a bricolage of 
figurations and simulations. The Orientalized male persona, complete with sword, 
confirms the idea of the male oriental as potent, antique, exotic, and 
anachronistic.
This type of Orientalized theatricality is a form of 
identity tourism; players who choose to perform this type of racial play are 
almost always white, and their appropriation of stereotyped male Asiatic samurai 
figures allows them to indulge in a dream of crossing over racial boundaries 
temporarily and recreationally. Choosing these stereotypes tips their 
interlocutors off to the fact that they are not "really" Asian; they are instead 
"playing" in an already familiar type of performance. Thus, the Orient is 
brought into the discourse, but only as a token or "type." The idea of a 
non-stereotyped Asian male identity is so seldom enacted in LambdaMOO that its 
absence can only be read as a symptom of a suppression.
Tourism is a 
particularly apt metaphor to describe the activity of racial identity 
appropriation, or "passing" in cyberspace. The activity of "surfing," (an 
activity already associated with tourism in the mind of most Americans) the 
Internet not only reinforces the idea that cyberspace is not only a place where 
travel and mobility are featured attractions, but also figures it as a form of 
travel which is inherently recreational, exotic, and exciting, like surfing. The 
choice to enact oneself as a samurai warrior in LambdaMOO constitutes a form of 
identity tourism which allows a player to appropriate an Asian racial identity 
without any of the risks associated with being a racial minority in real life. 
While this might seem to offer a promising venue for non-Asian characters to see 
through the eyes of the Other by performing themselves as Asian through on-line 
textual interaction, the fact that the personae chosen are overwhelmingly Asian 
stereotypes blocks this possibility by reinforcing these 
stereotypes.
This theatrical fantasy of passing as a form of identity 
tourism has deep roots in colonial fiction, such as Kipling's Kim and 
T.E. Lawrence's Seven Pillars of Wisdom, and Sir Richard Burton's 
writings. The Irish orphan and spy Kim, who uses disguise to pass as Hindu, 
Muslim, and other varieties of Indian natives, experiences the pleasures and 
dangers of cross cultural performance. Said's insightful reading of the nature 
of Kim's adventures in cross cultural passing contrasts the possibilities for 
play and pleasure for white travelers in an imperialistic world controlled by 
the European empire with the relatively constrained plot resolutions offered 
that same boy back home. "For what one cannot do in one's own Western 
environment, where to try to live out the grand dream of a successful quest is 
only to keep coming up against one's own mediocrity and the world's corruption 
and degradation, one can do abroad. Isn't it possible in India to do everything, 
be anything, go anywhere with impunity?" (42). To practitioners of identity 
tourism as I have described it above, LambdaMOO represents an phantasmatic 
imperial space, much like Kipling's Anglo-India, which supplies a stage upon 
which the "grand dream of a successful quest" can be enacted. 
Since the 
incorporation of the computer into the white collar workplace the line which 
divides work from play has become increasingly fluid. It is difficult for 
employers and indeed, for employees, to always differentiate between doing 
"research" on the Internet and "playing": exchanging email, checking library 
catalogues, interacting with friends and colleagues through synchronous media 
like "talk" sessions, and videoconferencing offer enhanced opportunities for 
gossip, jokes, and other distractions under the guise of work.3 Time spent on the Internet is a hiatus from "rl" (or real 
life, as it is called by most participants in virtual social spaces like 
LambdaMOO), and when that time is spent in a role playing space such as Lambda, 
devoted only to social interaction and the creation and maintenance of a 
convincingly "real" milieu modeled after an "internation al community," that 
hiatus becomes a full fledged vacation. The fact that Lambda offers players the 
ability to write their own descriptions, as well as the fact that players often 
utilize this programming feature to write stereotyped Asian personae for 
themselves, reveal that attractions lie not only in being able to "go" to exotic 
spaces,4 but to co-opt the exotic and attach it to oneself. The 
appropriation of racial identity becomes a form of recreation, a vacation from 
fixed identities and locales.
This vacation offers the satisfaction of a 
desire to fix the boundaries of cultural identity and exploit them for 
recreational purposes. As Said puts it, the tourist who passes as the 
marginalized Other during his travels partakes of a fantasy of social control, 
one which depends upon and fixes the familiar contours of racial power 
relations. 
It is the wish-fantasy of someone who would like to think that 
  everything is possible, that one can go anywhere and be anything. T.E. 
  Lawrence in The Seven Pillars of Wisdom expresses this fantasy over and 
  over, as he reminds us how he‹a blond and blue-eyed Englishman‹moved among the 
  desert Arabs as if he were one of them. I call this a fantasy because, as both 
  Kipling and Lawrence endless remind us, no one‹least of all actual whites and 
  non-whites in the colonies‹ever forgets that "going native' or playing the 
  Great Game are facts based on rock-like foundations, those of European power. 
  Was there ever a native fooled by the blue or green-eyed Kims and Lawrences 
  who passed among the inferior races as agent adventurers? I doubt it... (Said 
  44)
As Donna Haraway notes, high technologies "promise ultimate 
mobility and perfect exchange‹and incidentally enable tourism, that perfect 
practice of mobility and exchange, to emerge as one of the world's largest 
single industries" (168). Identity tourism in cyberspaces like LambdaMOO 
functions as a fascinating example of the promise of high technology to enhance 
travel opportunities by redefining what constitutes travel‹logging on to a 
phantasmatic space where one can appropriate exotic identities means that one 
need never cross a physical border or even leave one's armchair to go on 
vacation. This "promise" of "ultimate mobility and perfect exchange" is not, 
however, fulfilled for everyone in LambdaMOO. The suppression of racial 
discourse which does not conform to familiar stereotypes, and the enactment of 
notions of the Oriental which do conform to them, extends the promise of 
mobility and exchange only to those who wish to change their identities to fit 
accepted norms.
Performances of Asian female personae in LambdaMOO are 
doubly repressive because they enact a variety of identity tourism which cuts 
across the axes of gender and race, linking them in a powerful mix which brings 
together virtual sex, Orientalist stereotyping, and performance. A listing of 
some of the names and descriptions chosen by players who masquerade as "Asian" 
"females" at LambdaMOO include: AsianDoll, Miss_Saigon, Bisexual_Asian_Guest, 
Michelle_Chang, Geisha_Guest, and MaidenTaiwan. They describe themselves as, for 
example, a "mystical Oriental beauty, drawn from the pages of a Nagel calendar," 
or, in the case of the Geisha_Guest, a character owned by a white American man 
living in Japan: 
a petite Japanese girl in her twenties. She has devoted her entire 
  life to the perfecting the tea ceremony and mastering the art of lovemaking. 
  She is multi-orgasmic. She is wearing a pastel kimono, 3 under-kimonos in pink 
  and white. She is not wearing panties, and that would not be appropriate for a 
  geisha. She has spent her entire life in the pursuit of erotic 
experiences.
Now, it is commonly known that the relative dearth 
of women in cyberspace results in a great deal of "computer cross dressing," or 
men masquerading as women. Men who do this are generally seeking sexual 
interaction, or "netsex" from other players of both genders. When the 
performance is doubly layered, and a user extends his identity tourism across 
both race and gender, it is possible to observe a double appropriation or 
objectification which uses the "Oriental" as part of a sexual lure, thus 
exploiting and reifying through performance notions of the Asian female as 
submissive, docile, a sexual plaything.
The fetishization of the Asian 
female extends beyond LambdaMOO into other parts of the Internet. There is a 
usenet newsgroup called "alt.sex.fetish.orientals" which is extremely active‹it 
is also the only one of the infamous "alt.sex" newsgroups which overtly focuses 
upon race as an adjunct to sexuality.
Cyberspace is the newest 
incarnation of the idea of national boundaries. It is a phenomenon more abstract 
yet at the same time more "real" than outer space, since millions of particip 
ants deploy and immerse themselves within it daily, while space travel has been 
experienced by only a few people. The term "cyberspace" participates in a 
topographical trope which, as Stone points out, defines the activity of on-line 
interaction as a taking place within a locus, a space, a "world" unto itself. 
This second "world," like carnival, possess constantly fluctuating boundaries, 
frontiers, and dividing lines which separate it from both the realm of the 
"real" (that which takes place off line) and its corollary, the world of the 
physical body which gets projected, manipulated, and performed via on-line 
interaction. The title of the Time magazine cover story for July 25, 
1994, "The Strange New World of Internet: Battles on the Frontiers of 
Cyberspace" is typical of the popular media's depictions of the Internet as a 
world unto itself with shifting frontiers and borders which are contested in the 
same way that national borders are. The "battle" over borders takes place on 
several levels which have been well documented elsewhere, such as the battle 
over encryption and the conflict between the rights of the private individual to 
transmit and receive information freely and the rights of government to monitor 
potentially dangerous, subversive, or obscene material which crosses state lines 
over telephone wires. These contests concern the distinction between public and 
private. It is, however, seldom acknowledged that the trope of the battle on the 
cyber frontier also connotes a conflict on the level of cultural self 
definition. If, as Chris Chesher notes, "the frontier has been used since as a 
metaphor for freedom and progress, and...space exploration, especially, in the 
1950s and 1960s was often called the 'new frontier,'" (18) the figuration of 
cyberspace as the most recent representation of the frontier sets the stage for 
border skirmishes in the realm of cultural representations of the Other. The 
discourse of space travel during this period solidified the American identity by 
limning out the contours of an cosmic, or "last" frontier.5 The "race for space," or the race to stake out a border 
to be defended against both the non human (aliens) and the non American (the 
Soviets) translates into an obsession with race and a fear of racial 
contamination, always one of the distinctive features of the imperialist 
project. In films such as Alien, the integrity and solidarity of the 
American body is threatened on two fronts‹both the anti-human (the alien) and 
the passing-as-human (the cyborg) seek to gain entry and colonize Ripley's human 
body. Narratives which locate the source of contaminating elements within a 
deceitful and uncanny technologically-enabled theatricality‹the ability to pass 
as human‹depict performance as an occupational hazard of the colonization of any 
space. New and futuristic technologies call into question the integrity of 
categories of the human since they enable the non-human to assume a human face 
and identity.
Recently, a character on Lambda named "Tapu" proposed a 
piece of legislation to the Lambda community in the form of petition. This 
petition, entitled "Hate-Crime," was intended to impose penalties upon 
characters who harassed other characters on the basis of race. The players' 
publicly posted response to this petition, which failed by a narrow margin, 
reveals a great deal about the particular variety of utopianism common to 
real-time textual on-line social interaction. The petition's detractors argued 
that legislation or discourse designed to prevent or penalize racist "hate 
speech" were unnecessary since those offended in this way had the option to 
"hide" their race by removing it from their descriptions. A character named 
"Taffy" writes "Well, who knows my race unless I tell them? If race isn't 
important than why mention it? If you want to get in somebody's face with your 
race then perhaps you deserve a bit of flak. Either way I don't see why we need 
extra rules to deal with this." "Taffy," who signs himself "proud to be a sort 
of greyish pinky color with bloches" [sic] recommends a strategy of both blaming 
the victim and suppressing race, an issue which "isn't important" and shouldn't 
be mentioned because doing so gets in "somebody's face." The fear of the "flak" 
supposedly generated by player's decisions to include race in their descriptions 
of self is echoed in another post to the same group by "Nougat," who points out 
that "how is someone to know what race you are a part of? If [sic] this bill is 
meant to combat comments by towards people of different races, or just any 
comments whatsoever? Seems to me, if you include your race in your description, 
you are making yourself the sacrificial lamb. I don't include 'caucasian' in my 
description, simply because I think it is unnecess ary. And thusly, I don't 
think I've ever been called 'honkey.'" Both of these posts emphasize that race 
is not, should not be, "necessary" to social interaction on LambdaMOO. The 
punishment for introducing this extraneous and divisive issue into the MOO, 
which represents a vacation space, a Fantasy Island of sorts, for its users, is 
to become a "sacrificial lamb." The attraction of Fantasy Island lay in its 
ability to provide scenarios for the fantasies of privileged individuals. And 
the maintenance of this fantasy, that of a race-free society, can only occur by 
suppressing forbidden identity choices.
While many of the members of 
social on-line communities like LambdaMOO are stubbornly utopian in their 
attitudes towards the power dynamics and flows of information within the 
technologically mediated social spaces they inhabit, most of the theorists are 
pessimistic. Andrew Ross and Constance Penley introduce the essays in their 
collection Technoculture by asserting that "the odds are firmly stacked 
against the efforts of those committed to creating technological 
countercultures" (xiii). Chesher concedes that "In spite of the claims that 
everyone is the same in virtual worlds, access to technology and necessary 
skills will effectively replicate class divisions of the rest of reality in the 
virtual spaces" (28) and "will tend to reinforce existing inequalities, and 
propagate already dominant ideologies" (29). Indeed, the cost of net access does 
contribute towards class divisions as well as racial ones; the vast majority of 
the Internet's users are white and middle-class. One of the dangers of identity 
tourism is that it takes this restriction across the axes of race/class in the 
"real world" to an even more subtle and complex degree by reducing non-white 
identity positions to part of a costume or masquerade to be used by curious 
vacationers in cyberspace. Asianness is co-opted as a "passing" fancy, an 
identity-prosthesis which signifies sex, the exotic, passivity when female, and 
anachronistic dreams of combat in its male manifestation. "Passing" as a samurai 
or geisha is diverting, reversible, and a privilege mainly used by white men. 
The paradigm of Asian passing masquerades on LambdaMOO itself works to suppress 
racial difference by setting the tone of the discourse in racist contours, which 
inevitably discourage "real life" Asian men and women from textual performance 
in that space, effectively driving race underground . As a result, a default 
"whiteness" covers the entire social space of LambdaMOO‹race is "whited out" in 
the name of cybersocial hygiene.
The dream of a new technology has always 
contained within it the fear of total control, and the accompanying loss of 
individual autonomy. Perhaps the best way to subvert the hegemony of cybersocial 
hygiene is to use its own metaphors against itself. Racial and racist discourse 
in the MOO is the unique product of a machine and an ideology. Looking at 
discourse about race in cyberspace as a computer bug or ghost in the machine 
permits insight into the ways that it subverts that machine. A bug interrupts a 
program's regular commands and routines, causing it to behave unpredictably. 
"Bugs are mistakes, or unexpected occurrences, as opposed to things that are 
intentional" (Aker 12). Programmers routinely debug their work because they 
desire complete control over the way their program functions, just as Taffy and 
Nougat would like to debug LambdaMOO of its "sacrificial lambs," those who 
insist on introducing new expressions of race into their world. Discourse about 
race in cyberspace is conceptualized as a bug, something which an efficient 
computer user would eradicate since it contaminates their work/play. The 
"unexpected occurrence" of race has the potential, by its very unexpectedness, 
to sabotage the ideology-machine's routines. Therefore, its articulation is 
critical, as is the ongoing examination of the dynamics of this articulation. As 
Judith Butler puts it: 
Doubtlessly crucial is the ability to wield the signs of 
  subordinated identity in a public domain that constitutes its own homophobic 
  and racist hegemonies through the erasure or domestication of culturally and 
  politically constituted identities. And insofar as it is imperative that we 
  insist upon those specificities in order to expose the fictions of an 
  imperialist humanism that works through unmarked privilege, there remains the 
  risk that we will make the articulation of ever more specified identities into 
  the aim of political activism. Thus every insistence on identity must at some 
  point lead to a taking stock of the constitutive exclusions that reconsolidate 
  hegemonic power differentials...(118)
The erasure and 
domestication of Asianness on LambdaMOO perpetuates an Orientalist myth of 
social control and order. As Cornell West puts it, as Judith Butler puts it, 
"race matters," and "bodie s matter." Programming language and Internet 
connectivity have made it possible for people to interact without putting into 
play any bodies but the ones they write for themselves . The temporary divorce 
which cyberdiscourse grants the mind from the body and the text from the body 
also separates race and the body. Player scripts which eschew repressive 
versions of the Oriental in favor of critical rearticulations and recombinations 
of race, gender, and class, and which also call the fixedness of these 
categories into question have the power to turn the theatricality characteristic 
of MOOspace into a truly innovative form of play, rather than a tired 
reiteration and reinstatement of old hierarchies. Role playing is a feature of 
the MOO, not a bug, and it would be absurd to ask that everyone who plays within 
it hew literally to the "rl" gender, race, or condition of life. A 
diversification of the roles which get played, which are permitted to be played, 
can enable a thought provoking detachment of race from the body, and an 
accompanying questioning of the essentialness of race as a category. Performing 
alternative versions of self and race jams the ideology-machine, and facilitates 
a desirable opening up of what Judith Butler calls "the difficult future terrain 
of community" (242) in cyberspace.
Notes
1Some MUDS such as Diku and Phoenix require players to 
select races. These MUDs are patterned after the role playing game Dungeons and 
Dragons and unlike Lambda, which exists to provide a forum for social 
interaction and chatting, focus primarily on virtual combat and the accumulation 
of game points. The races available to players (orc, elf, dwarf, human, etc) are 
familiar to readers of the "sword and sorcery" genre of science fiction, and 
determine what sort of combat "attributes" a player can exploit. The combat 
metaphor which is a part of this genre of role playing reinforces the notion of 
racial difference.
2Most players do not choose either spivak or neuter as 
their gender; perhaps because this type of choice is seen as a non choice. 
Spivaks and neuters are often asked to "set gender" by other players; they are 
seen as having deferred a choice rather than having made an unpopular one. 
Perhaps this is an example of the "informatics of domination" which Haraway 
describes.
3Computer users who were using their machines to play games 
at work realized that it was possible for their employers and coworkers to spy 
on them while walking nearby and notice that they were slacking‹hence, they 
developed screen savers which, at a keystroke, can instantly cover their "play" 
with a convincingly "work-like" image, such as a spreadsheet or business 
letter.
4Microsoft's recent television and print media advertising 
campaign markets access to both personal computing and networking by promoting 
these activities as a form of travel; the ads ask the prospective consumer, 
"where do you want to go today?" Microsoft's promise to transport the user to 
new spaces where desire can be fulfilled is enticing in its very vagueness, 
offering an open ended invitation for travel and novel experiences.
5 The political action group devoted to defending the right 
to free speech in cyberspace against governmental control calls itself "The 
Electronic Frontier"; this is another example of the metaphorization of 
cyberspace as a colony to be defended against hostile takeovers. 
Works Cited
Aker, Sharon et al. Macintosh Bible 
3rd edition, Berkeley: Goldstein and Blair, 1987-91.
Butler, Judith. 
Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex". New York: 
Routledge, 1993.
Chesher, Chris. "Colonizing Virtual Reality: Construction of 
the Discourse of Virtual Reality, 1984-1992." Cultronix, vol. 1, issue 1, 
Summer 1994. The English Server. Online. 16 May 1995.
Elmer, Dewitt, 
Philip. "Battle for the Soul of the Internet." Time, 25 July 
1994.
Haraway, Donna. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women. New York: 
Routledge, 1991.
Penley, Constance and Andrew Ross. Technoculture. 
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991.
Rheingold, Howard. The 
Virtual Community. New York: HarperPerennial, 1993. The Well. Online. 
16 May 1995.
Stone, Allucquere Rosanne. "Will the Real Body Please Stand Up?: 
Boundary Stories About Virtual Cultures." Cyberspace: First Steps. Ed. 
Michael Benedikt. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994.
Said, Edward. Introduction. 
Kim. By Rudyard Kipling. New York: Penguin, 1987. 7-46. 
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